Mufti Ibrahim Haqqani sits in his weapons store near the Afghan border and prays. Business is good for him, as the Taliban, who are fighting across the border and are among his best customers, grow stronger day by day. Still, the fear is there. Not only for him, but also for his children. Being a recognized Mufti, a an Islamic jurist and holding the leadership role in an influential network make him a target, for enemy groupations such as the Islamic State Afghanistan or even US-spec Ops. Which is why he trains his children in the use of weapons at an early age to prepare them for any eventuality.
In August 2021, Afghanistan‘s capital fell back into the hands of the Tailiban after 20 years of international intervention. Unnoticed by world public, however, this model had already been tested for decades in neighboring Pakistan in the province of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. The Taliban and their proxies such as the Haqani Network are an integral part of Pashtun society across the border. High unemployment, poverty and years of domestic discrimination have driven society further and further into the hands of the extremists. The Burkha as well as the traditional Shalwar Kamiz are firmly part of the local landscape and underpin gender roles.
The Taliban have been flattered by the Pakistani state and intelligence agency the ISI (Inter-Services Intelligence) since the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979 and have been nurtured into a strong ally for their own geopolitical interests.
Fundamentalist forces have long had strong support in Peshawar and the surrounding area and are increasingly shaping the image of this society. Although the Sharia is not officially recognized as law, there is still enough social consensus to be able to command a majority. The Pashtun code of honor, Pashtunwalli, serves as a social compass, and state institutions have little to no influence. A once vibrant and colorful society with a long musical and poetic tradition is giving way to the status quo of oppression and violence after a seemingly endless conflict.
Mufti Ibrahim Haqqani sits in his weapons store near the Afghan border and prays. Business is good for him, as the Taliban, who are fighting across the border and are among his best customers, grow stronger day by day. Still, the fear is there. Not only for him, but also for his children. Being a recognized Mufti, a an Islamic jurist and holding the leadership role in an influential network make him a target, for enemy groupations such as the Islamic State Afghanistan or even US-spec Ops. Which is why he trains his children in the use of weapons at an early age to prepare them for any eventuality.
In August 2021, Afghanistan‘s capital fell back into the hands of the Tailiban after 20 years of international intervention. Unnoticed by world public, however, this model had already been tested for decades in neighboring Pakistan in the province of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. The Taliban and their proxies such as the Haqani Network are an integral part of Pashtun society across the border. High unemployment, poverty and years of domestic discrimination have driven society further and further into the hands of the extremists. The Burkha as well as the traditional Shalwar Kamiz are firmly part of the local landscape and underpin gender roles.
The Taliban have been flattered by the Pakistani state and intelligence agency the ISI (Inter-Services Intelligence) since the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979 and have been nurtured into a strong ally for their own geopolitical interests.
Fundamentalist forces have long had strong support in Peshawar and the surrounding area and are increasingly shaping the image of this society. Although the Sharia is not officially recognized as law, there is still enough social consensus to be able to command a majority. The Pashtun code of honor, Pashtunwalli, serves as a social compass, and state institutions have little to no influence. A once vibrant and colorful society with a long musical and poetic tradition is giving way to the status quo of oppression and violence after a seemingly endless conflict.